ThomasMorgan wrote:
I think it'll be someone from the Democratic party. As shown by the recent changing of the guard in both the Senate and House of Representatives, the US is sick of being Republican run. Unless Bush can do something to turn the appeal of the GOP around in the next year, we'll be seeing a donkey in the White House.
However, it also depends on who the Democratic Presidential candidate is. If it's Obama, then I think the dems have a very real chance of occupying the White House. If it's Hilary, well, I think that chance is much less likely.
From yesterday's NYT
Democrats Seek the Middle on Social Issues
By ROBIN TONER
WASHINGTON, Jan. 15 — The promise may not outlast their political honeymoon, but Democratic Congressional leaders say they are committed to governing from the center, and not just on bread-and-butter issues like raising the minimum wage or increasing aid for education. They also hope to bring that philosophy to bear on some of the most divisive social issues in politics, like abortion.
In their first days in session, Senate Democratic leaders reintroduced a bill that they said was indicative of their new approach: the Prevention First Act, which seeks to reduce the number of abortions by expanding access to birth control, family planning and sex education.
In the House last week, Democrats showcased a vote on expanding federal financing for embryonic stem cell research, which, despite fierce opposition from many conservatives, has won bipartisan support among lawmakers — and voters — who are otherwise divided on abortion.
The mantra, for many Democrats, is the search for common ground. On gay rights, lawmakers and advocates said the most likely legislation in the new Congress would focus on hate crimes and employment discrimination, issues expected to be much less polarizing than the debate over same-sex marriage that was front and center in the Republican Congress.
“I don’t think the American people get mad if you say a woman shouldn’t get fired from her job because she’s a lesbian,” said Representative Barney Frank, Democrat of Massachusetts.
Conservatives are skeptical that such a search for common ground is much more than a shift in tactics.
“I can tell you what I expect,” said Douglas Johnson, legislative director of the National Right to Life Committee. “I think the Democratic leadership will seek to advance the policy agenda of the hardcore groups but do so under the cover of deceptive rhetorical campaigns.”
Whatever the Democrats do, these issues retain their power to divide. Monday is the 34th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court decision recognizing a constitutional right to abortion; it will highlight anew, with a day of marches and protests, the fundamental question of abortion’s legality.
But the Democrats’ moves toward consensus-building on issues that often resist consensus reflect their effort to adjust to a new political reality. Their majority is slimmer than it was the last time they were in power, especially in the Senate. The country, some pollsters say, has grown more conservative on abortion and other social issues.
And conservatives, by controlling which legislation came to the floor, succeeded in defining the debate over social issues for more than a decade, through votes on same-sex marriage and the procedure opponents call partial-birth abortion, in ways that highlighted the political limits of liberalism.
One measure of how the legislative debate has shifted is that the last time the Democrats were in power, one of the biggest abortion fights was over whether abortions should be covered in the benefit package guaranteed under the Clinton administration’s national health insurance plan, which eventually collapsed. Abortion rights leaders focus on far more modest goals today.
In the past 12 years, Democratic strategists say they have learned some hard lessons. Many said they were dismayed to see the religion gap after the 2004 election, with the Republicans’ overwhelming strength among churchgoers and the widespread perception that Democrats were a secular party insensitive to issues of values.
Since then, party leaders say, they have tried hard to connect with those voters, to convince them that, as Senator Charles E. Schumer of New York said, “We are not a bunch of libertines who want to see the superego of society disappear.” Some of the new, prominent Democrats in Congress, like Senator Bob Casey of Pennsylvania, are social conservatives, recruited and cited by Democratic leaders as evidence of the party’s diversity.
Over the past two years, Representative James E. Clyburn, Democrat of South Carolina, formerly the caucus chairman, now the majority whip, has led a “faith working group” in the House in an effort, Mr. Clyburn said, to get members “more comfortable with these issues and more connected with values voters.”
Part of this effort involved broadening the definition of values-related issues, he said, to include economic issues like raising the minimum wage, assisting low-income children with health insurance and shoring up Social Security.
“That’s Old Testament Bible, taking care of widows and orphans,” Mr. Clyburn said.
Some House Democrats said they had also learned to be more open about their own religious life.
“We, for a very long time, left the definition of ourselves as Democrats to others,” said Representative Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, an abortion-rights supporter and one of 55 Catholic Democrats in the House who signed a Catholic Statement of Principles last year, essentially saying that their faith involved more than their position on abortion. “But I think people finally felt enough. Enough. It’s about who we are, where we come from, what our culture and environment has been.”
Ms. DeLauro is one of the leaders in the House on legislation that would try to reduce the need for abortion and provide economic support to new parents.
Representative Nancy Pelosi, the House speaker, highlighted her Catholicism in her first week in office, with two high-profile church services in Washington. There have been occasional protests from religious conservatives, challenging the rights of Democrats like Mrs. Pelosi to present themselves as both good Christians and supporters of abortion rights. But Democrats did do better among Catholic voters in last year’s elections, carrying 55 percent of their vote in House races, compared with 49 percent in 2004.
In large part, analysts say, that reflects voters responding to the Democrats on Iraq and the economic agenda, another element of the Democrats’ common ground strategy, keeping the debate focused on issues of greatest concern to the voters in the middle. “Our first focus is on the meat and potatoes issues that affect all Americans,” Mr. Schumer said.
Celinda Lake, a Democratic pollster who advises Congressional leaders, said, “Most swing voters think that these social issues are issues that both sides love to have fights over, but that they don’t really have a stake in.”
In fact, Democrats, like Republicans, have long had to fight the notion that they are in thrall to the advocacy groups because of these hot-button issues. Republicans clearly took a dip in the polls after their intervention in the right-to-die case of Terri Schiavo, and many strategists say their intense pursuit of a ban on same-sex marriage and other conservative causes ultimately backfired, making them seem out of touch.
Democrats, after 12 years in the wilderness, say they are not likely to repeat those mistakes. But as Mr. Johnson of the right to life committee and other skeptics note, the true test of the Democrats’ common ground campaign may not come until there is a major court fight, especially a vacancy on the Supreme Court. When the fundamental debate over the extent of abortion rights is front and center, common ground will be hard to find.